Sunday, October 28, 2007

Principle as Propaganda

Following the Prime Minister's speech on civil liberties this week (how he values them, how he can name lots of famous thinkers who've valued them, how Britain invented them and then generously gave them to a stunned world that had never conceived of such things, etc, etc....), we find this revealing quote in today's Observer:

"......this was no dry trot round a familiar academic course: the aim was deeply political."

"'Gordon is trying to build up a systematic argument in a slow burn,' one cabinet minister said. 'If you talk about Britain's, and his, commitment to liberty, then you provide a context for further debates about issues such as 90 days [for detention without charge.] It is a new approach. Under Tony, the 90-day idea came out of nowhere.' A change on detention without charge - doubling the current limit of 28 days to 56 - is likely to be signalled in the Queen's Speech once Brown's message on liberty has been digested."

Got that? Brown needs to let you know how much he cares about liberties, so when he takes yours away, you'll know that he meant well.

So much of New Labour's strength has relied on the assumption of good intentions. Saving the NHS by privitising it in increments, destroying efficiency and service levels in the process. Saving Africa by forcing it to "open up" to Western business interests, though that is proven to impoverish it. Building peace between Israel and the Palestinians by starving the Palestinians as punishment for voting the wrong way in a free election. Making the world a safer place by launching a war of aggression that kills hundreds of thousands and destabilises one of the most volatile regions in the world. The unsophisticated observer may see here policies that simply serve power, whatever the human costs. But when the propaganda message has been "digested", you'll see its all driven by good intentions.

Don't worry about the details or the actual effects of policy, says the statesman. Just trust me and my good intentions.

To what extent is this cynicism at work, and to what extent do politicians believe this stuff, no matter the contradictions? We can at least say, judging by the above quote, that cynicism plays some part.

One more thing. Look at Brown's increasingly sinister references to "Britishness" in the context of the above remarks. If you can get people to "digest" the notion of Britain as intrisically a force for good (which for instance, according to Brown, has no need to apologise for its imperial past) what sort of things can the British state get away with doing on the international stage?

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