Securing Iraq for Democracy
Two articles appeared over the weekend illustrating the effect the occupation has on the security situation in Iraq. In the Independent on Sunday, Patrick Cockburn revealed that "US intelligence and military police officers in Iraq are routinely freeing dangerous criminals in return for a promise to spy on insurgents.
"The Americans are allowing the breakdown of Iraqi society because they are only interested in fighting the insurgency," said a senior Iraqi police officer. "We are dealing with an epidemic of kidnapping, extortion and violent crime, but even though we know the Americans monitor calls on mobiles and satellite phones, which are often used in ransom negotiations, they will not pass on any criminal intelligence to us. They only want to use the information against insurgents."
An Iraqi government source confirmed that criminal suspects were often released if they agreed to inform on insurgents, despite the dangers to ordinary Iraqis. The Iraqi middle class has been heavily targeted by kidnappers since the fall of Saddam Hussein. Many doctors, a favourite target, and businessmen have fled to Syria, Jordan and Egypt. The police admit that they have been unable to do anything to stop the wave of abductions."
The article mentions one particular instance where two captured kidnappers, who were giving the police vital intelligence on their accomplices, were then taken by US troops and released to spy on the resistance.
"The Iraqi police were jubilant that they finally had detailed information on how a kidnap gang operated. The two captured men were willing to provide the names and addresses of other gang members, and the success was lauded by Iraqi television and the local press. To the consternation of the police, however, on 30 December a convoy of US military police arrived at al-Khansa police station, where Mohammed Najim and Adnan Ashur were being held. The Iraqi police officer at the station recorded: "They have requested the custody of the two assailants." Iraqi police dropped the case against the rest of the gang."
In the Financial Times, Awadh al-Taee and Steve Negus examined the effective impunity with which the occupiers are able to murder Iraqi civilians.
"The Baghdad neighbourhood of Kerrada alone, according to local police, sees one fatal shooting a week by either private security companies or the military
In such incidents, the victims have little legal recourse. According to the coalition's Order 17, enacted by US administrators shortly after the invasion, military personnel and most private contractors working in Iraq cannot be brought before Iraqi courts.
Instead, "compensation" is given to the victims families, The US military's standard payout is $2,500 - about two days' pay for a western ex-military security man, or two years' wages for a mid-level Iraqi civil servant. Many security companies (although not necessarily John's) use this as a base. "This is the price of an Iraqi citizen," snorted one Kerrada policeman in disgust.
"Two thousand five hundred dollars," said a [victim's] relative derisively. "Twenty-five million would not pay for a hair of his head. I have experience in fighting, and my friends have offered to fight with me. God willing, we will make an example of them.""
Its often said that, whatever the rights and wrongs of the 2003 invasion, it would be irresponsible for coalition forces to depart now and leave Iraq to descend into chaos. The reality is that the occupation a major cause of Iraq's security problems, not a solution. Whether they're doing the insurgent's recruiting for them by murdering Iraqis and then insulting their bereaved families with derisory "compensation" payments, or freeing violent criminals in order to further some military objective, the occupiers consistently ram the point home (for anyone who cares to pay attention) that the population's welfare is simply not one of their priorities.
"The Americans are allowing the breakdown of Iraqi society because they are only interested in fighting the insurgency," said a senior Iraqi police officer. "We are dealing with an epidemic of kidnapping, extortion and violent crime, but even though we know the Americans monitor calls on mobiles and satellite phones, which are often used in ransom negotiations, they will not pass on any criminal intelligence to us. They only want to use the information against insurgents."
An Iraqi government source confirmed that criminal suspects were often released if they agreed to inform on insurgents, despite the dangers to ordinary Iraqis. The Iraqi middle class has been heavily targeted by kidnappers since the fall of Saddam Hussein. Many doctors, a favourite target, and businessmen have fled to Syria, Jordan and Egypt. The police admit that they have been unable to do anything to stop the wave of abductions."
The article mentions one particular instance where two captured kidnappers, who were giving the police vital intelligence on their accomplices, were then taken by US troops and released to spy on the resistance.
"The Iraqi police were jubilant that they finally had detailed information on how a kidnap gang operated. The two captured men were willing to provide the names and addresses of other gang members, and the success was lauded by Iraqi television and the local press. To the consternation of the police, however, on 30 December a convoy of US military police arrived at al-Khansa police station, where Mohammed Najim and Adnan Ashur were being held. The Iraqi police officer at the station recorded: "They have requested the custody of the two assailants." Iraqi police dropped the case against the rest of the gang."
In the Financial Times, Awadh al-Taee and Steve Negus examined the effective impunity with which the occupiers are able to murder Iraqi civilians.
"The Baghdad neighbourhood of Kerrada alone, according to local police, sees one fatal shooting a week by either private security companies or the military
In such incidents, the victims have little legal recourse. According to the coalition's Order 17, enacted by US administrators shortly after the invasion, military personnel and most private contractors working in Iraq cannot be brought before Iraqi courts.
Instead, "compensation" is given to the victims families, The US military's standard payout is $2,500 - about two days' pay for a western ex-military security man, or two years' wages for a mid-level Iraqi civil servant. Many security companies (although not necessarily John's) use this as a base. "This is the price of an Iraqi citizen," snorted one Kerrada policeman in disgust.
"Two thousand five hundred dollars," said a [victim's] relative derisively. "Twenty-five million would not pay for a hair of his head. I have experience in fighting, and my friends have offered to fight with me. God willing, we will make an example of them.""
Its often said that, whatever the rights and wrongs of the 2003 invasion, it would be irresponsible for coalition forces to depart now and leave Iraq to descend into chaos. The reality is that the occupation a major cause of Iraq's security problems, not a solution. Whether they're doing the insurgent's recruiting for them by murdering Iraqis and then insulting their bereaved families with derisory "compensation" payments, or freeing violent criminals in order to further some military objective, the occupiers consistently ram the point home (for anyone who cares to pay attention) that the population's welfare is simply not one of their priorities.
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